This article examines the impact of urban growth on housing inequality in early modern Amsterdam, a prime example of a ‘capitalist city’ shaped by private housing markets. A comprehensive dataset of Amsterdam’s housing distribution is used to track social differences in housing value, affordability, location and density. It is the first study of a pre-nineteenth-century city that systematically uncovers the compartmentalization of the housing stock into apartment-style dwellings. Urban growth and income inequality are revealed as its causes, while its consequences were ambivalent from a wellbeing perspective. Housing compartmentalization inhibited meaningful residential segregation but also worsened the disparity in living standards.
This article measures the cost of the early modern consumer revolution through a quantitative analysis of product and process innovations in Amsterdam and examines their variegated social impact in two distinct datasets of probate inventories. It demonstrates that middle-class decencies became substantially cheaper during the seventeenth century, nuancing the industrious revolution hypothesis in urban settings, but we also find no sustained positive impact of rising consumption on the material living standards of the labouring masses. In the eighteenth century, in fact, first- and second-hand prices diverged due to the combined effects of a supply glut, the accelerating turnover of fashion, and the inherent fragility of many novel consumer goods. While elite and middling households compensated for their indulgence in consumerism with prudent ‘investment’ in more durable possessions, thereby ensuring a transferable inheritance for the next generation, our analysis documents the material impoverishment of Amsterdam’s working classes during the final decades of the ancien régime. The consumer revolution, we conclude, contributed to the eighteenth-century rise of material – or ‘real’ – inequality between the shrinking middle classes of this preindustrial metropolis on the one hand and its growing numbers of impoverished inhabitants on the other.
Focusing on eighteenth-century London, the cradle of the famed nascent consumer society, we employ newspaper advertisements of forthcoming auction sales to map changes in the domestic material culture of the city’s ‘polite society’. Over the course of the century, British-made products replaced Asian luxuries among the most distinct positional goods promoted in these advertisements, and new social distinctions emerged around objects related to leisure, gardening, music, and domestic sociability and conviviality. Overall, however, narrowing consumer inequalities outweighed these renewed differentiations in the social distribution of positional goods, suggesting a convergence of domestic material culture between London’s elite and upper middling sorts.
This chapter examines how the political economy of the medieval and early modern Low Countries contributes to debates on the ‘European miracle’ by reassessing the relationship between polycentric governance, urbanization, and state formation. It argues that the exceptional commercial success of Flanders, Brabant, and Holland stemmed not from either political decentralization or state capacity alone, but from a dynamic balance between cities, sovereigns, and local elites. Urbanization created autonomous cities that constrained monarchical power while competition among cities discouraged rent-seeking and fostered institutional innovation in commerce. This polycentric urban order enabled sustained economic dynamism and laid the foundations for later developments associated with capitalism, liberalism, and modern economic growth. The Low Countries therefore provide a crucial intermediate case that reconciles competing interpretations of Europe’s long-term economic rise.
This article answers a simple question: Who or what pulled the rug from underneath the demand for Dutch paintings in the second half of the seventeenth century? Previous explanations – diminished purchasing power, overproduction, depleted social distinction potential, budget and space constraints – are tested with a unique database of Amsterdam probate inventories but found insufficient. Following scholars like Jan de Vries and Bruno Blondé, I maintain that the downfall of the painting in Dutch interiors is best explained within the framework of the consumer revolution, on which this case study offers a fresh perspective by arguing that the ascent of fashion gave rise to a consumer version of creative destruction. The modernity of Holland’s burgeoning consumer society was borne out of the fact that Dutch burghers simply lost interest.
This article investigates the consumption of knowledge in early modern Amsterdam. A dataset of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century probate inventories is employed to examine the synergies and inequalities between the skilled and educated middle classes and the intellectual elites. A series of democratisation waves in the ownership of books, writing equipment, and measuring tools confirms the unprecedented levels of basic literacy and numeracy skills in the urban centres of the early modern Low Countries revealed by research on signature proficiency and age heaping. The concentration of secular books and advanced knowledge objects in the hands of a small but growing group of affluent households, on the other hand, corresponds to other research that has fixated instead on the role of upper-tail human capital in scientific, technological, and economic progress. Yet, the relatively low value estimates of libraries and scientific instruments, together with a more qualitative examination of two amateur scientists of middling background, dovetails with the hypothesis that the Dutch Scientific Revolution and Enlightenment were marked by a close interaction and mobility between craftsmen and scientists. An above-average income and enough leisure time to develop intellectual interests could be sufficient for inhabitants of Amsterdam to cross the Rubicon from consuming to (re)producing knowledge.
This article studies the Belgian and Dutch roles in NATO’s 1979 Double-Track Decision, in which the member states of the Alliance unanimously agreed to deploy a new generation of thermonuclear missiles in five West-European countries, among them Belgium and the Netherlands. It argues that the dynamics between the three traditional heavyweights in the Alliance’s nuclear weapons policy – the United States, the United Kingdom, and West Germany – produced a unique situation in which Brussels and The Hague landed in key positions in the international decision-making process. In this context, the two small countries challenged the fragile NATO consensus surrounding the Double-Track Decision and substantially jeopardized the unanimous endorsement of the final agreement. Internally, clear majorities of Dutch and Belgian public opinion and close to if not half of MPs were tilted against the missiles. In each country, moreover, a major ruling coalition party insisted that NATO should make a positive deployment decision only after all avenues of arms control were exhausted. Yet, revealing the limits of democracy in Cold War defense policy, both countries eventually fell in line and signed on to the agreement.
This chapter traces the development of one tradition of liberal international relations, ‘non-interventionism’, over the course of the past four centuries, beginning with the publication of one of the first treatises on international law in 1625 and ending with the present. While stressing that the doctrine of non-interference in the affairs of other nations rarely achieved the status of a rock-solid dogma, it argues that many leading classical liberals across the ages extended their aversion to domestic interventions into the realm of international relations by developing theories of anti-imperialism and anti-interventionism. Conversely, arguments for colonialism and for an activist foreign policy often went hand in glove in the thought of progressive liberals, such as in the philosophy of John Stuart Mill. Although liberal imperialism was eventually discredited, I maintain that the interventionist mindset that has dominated liberal foreign policy thought in the last couple of decades is ultimately rooted in colonial ideas of Western cultural supremacy.
While detailed accounts of ownership patterns of material culture buttress major narratives on the critical consumer transitions of the late early modern era, still surprisingly little is known about the specific consumer mentalities that went along with the rapidly expanding empire of goods. On the basis of newspaper advertisements for auctions of household estates in Amsterdam and Antwerp, this contribution maps the language of consumption on the high-end secondary markets. Unsurprisingly the language of consumption in both (former) commercial metropoles evolved as the eighteenth century progressed, with product qualities such as ‘modern’ gaining in prominence. Yet, strange as it may seem, the boundaries between the mentalities of new, affordable luxuries and traditional old luxuries were by no means clear-cut. Moreover, in Antwerp as well as in Amsterdam, it was first and foremost the aesthetics of the rich material culture that were invoked to lure potential customers to an auction. Even though both societies were marked by a rather frugal and commercially oriented mentality, the elitist vocabulary of consumption relied heavily on ‘taste’ formation, hence contributing to the rising material inequalities that marked the eighteenth century.
The Economics of Craft Guilds: Evidence from the Post-Abolition Low Countries (2026) The Social Mobility of Immigrants: Evidence from Amsterdam, 1600-1800 (2024)
The Amsterdam Dream? Opportunity, Mobility and Inequality in a Preindustrial Metropolis
Brede welvaart hoger dan ooit maar grote verschillen tussen regio’s – Rabobank and Utrecht University (2026) – with 10 coauthors The Demand of the Invisible Hand: The Consumer Revolution and Social Inequality in the (Pre)Modern Metropolis – doctoral dissertation, University of Antwerp and VUB Brussels (2025)
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